{"id":1326,"date":"2019-03-18T14:32:46","date_gmt":"2019-03-18T18:32:46","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/web-staging.ncecservices.com\/?p=1326"},"modified":"2019-03-18T17:02:27","modified_gmt":"2019-03-18T21:02:27","slug":"suburbs-key-to-2020-dem-majority","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/web-staging.ncecservices.com\/analysis\/suburbs-key-to-2020-dem-majority\/","title":{"rendered":"Suburbs Remain Key to 2020 Democratic Majority"},"content":{"rendered":"
In 2020, Democratic House candidates face a more complex situation than they did in 2018. The Democratic party now faces competing priorities\u2014while they look to win additional congressional districts that are trending Democratic (especially in Texas), they must also work to protect the multitude of freshman representatives who were elected in marginal and Republican districts in 2018. The greatest potential for defeating Republicans in 2020 comes from the growing resistance to Trump in the nation’s suburban and exurban communities.<\/p>\n
The Democrats have a safety net after winning 40 or 41 seats (depending on the final outcome in North Carolina\u2019s 9th). Republicans, on the other hand, would have to flip 17 or 18 districts to gain a majority in 2020. While some new Democratic members face an uphill battle for re-election (especially those elected to rural, blue collar, and southern districts) there are several factors working in favor of all Democratic candidates.<\/p>\n
First, President Trump’s approval rating continues to sink even lower than it was during the 2018 midterm election. A near-majority of voters have indicated they will not even consider voting to re-elect him. In presidential election years, there is a strong correlation between the vote for President and the vote for Congress.<\/p>\n
Republicans made most of their previous gains in midterm election years (like 1994, 2010, and 2014) and this was partially due to the incumbent president\u2019s favorability. While Barack Obama and Bill Clinton were ultimately successful presidents, their approval ratings were below 50 percent at the time of those midterm elections.<\/p>\n
Morning Consult<\/a> and Gallup<\/a> recently published state-by-state presidential approval ratings showing Trump near or below 50 percent in every fast-growing state in the country\u2014including Arizona, Florida, and Texas. Trump would have to carry each of these states again to stand a chance of re-election. These states will also host marginal congressional races in 2020. In blue collar and rural areas of Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania\u2014all of which Trump won in 2016\u2014respondents seem far less supportive of Trump. This latter point weighs heavily against any re-election bid as Trump\u2019s 2016 victory was dependent on those regions.<\/p>\n Trump is distinctly unpopular in suburban areas with rapid population growth. Conversely, he is more popular in rural and small-town districts, but new population centers encompassing more minority and younger voters will drive turnout. Further, minority turnout (among Latinos especially) is higher in presidential years.<\/p>\n A positive environment could emerge for the 2020 election cycle, but it is still early to estimate the final outcome.<\/p>\n 1) Democrats must play defense in several long-held Republican districts, where at least a part of the district reflects lower socioeconomic status:<\/p>\nSome Early Scenarios to Consider<\/h3>\n
District<\/th>\n | NCEC’s Democratic \nPerformance \n(as of Nov. 2018)<\/th>\n | US House 2018 \nDemocratic Margin<\/th>\n | Notes<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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CA-10<\/td>\n | 49.0%<\/td>\n | 4.5%<\/td>\n | Longtime Republican district in the Central Valley that Clinton carried in 2016<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
IA-03<\/td>\n | 49.1%<\/td>\n | 2.2%<\/td>\n | Des Moines urban and suburban areas<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
ME-02<\/td>\n | 47.2%<\/td>\n | 1.2%<\/td>\n | Trump district that became competitive in the wave election<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
NM-02<\/td>\n | 45.8%<\/td>\n | 1.9%<\/td>\n | Longtime Republican district made competitive when the Rep. incumbent retired<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
NY-19<\/td>\n | 48.3%<\/td>\n | 5.3%<\/td>\n | Suburban and rural district, in the NYC media market<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
NY-22<\/td>\n | 46.1%<\/td>\n | 1.8%<\/td>\n | Decided by 5 points or less in three of the last four elections<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
SC-01<\/td>\n | 40.5%<\/td>\n | 1.4%<\/td>\n | Longtime Republican district made competitive when the Rep. incumbent lost the primary<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
UT-04<\/td>\n | 42.7%<\/td>\n | 0.3%<\/td>\n | A strong Dem. candidate flipped this regularly competitive district<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n 2) Districts where demographics are favorable, but Democrats do not comprise a majority of the population:<\/p>\n
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